The Type 055 Destroyer: A True Multi-Role Surface Combatant For Peoples Liberation Army Navy

The Type 055 destroyer is a class of guided missile destroyers being developed in China for the People's Liberation Army Navy Surface Force. There have been two versions of the Type 055, the first one was a much earlier proposed destroyer design that was eventually cancelled, and the other is a modern design using the same "Type 055" designation according to many internet claims, which has yet to be verified by official or independent sources.

Computer Generated Graphics of Type 055 destroyer.

The Type 055 was originally a proposed project in the late 1960s order titled “Recommendations on Building Oceanic Escort Ships”, but its progress was seriously delayed due to political turmoil in China at the time, namely, the Cultural Revolution. It was not until more than half a decade later in 1976, the year the Cultural Revolution ended, was the requirement of the ship finally completed and issued. At the time of its appearance until its final cancellation, the Type 055 was the second air defence ship of PLAN, after the Type 053K Jiangdong class frigate. The standard displacement of Type 055 design was in excess of 8000 tons.

Even as the requirement was completed, it was flawed with unrealistic standards that were way beyond the scientific, technical, and industrial capabilities of China at the time due to the influence of the Cultural Revolution. For example, the sea-keeping requirement mandated that the ship should be able to navigate anywhere in the world except polar regions, but this conflicted with combat requirement: China lacked the capability to develop any multifunctional radar, so separate radars were needed for different tasks. The Type 518 radar was needed for long range early warning / surveillance, the Type 381 radar was needed for 3-D air search / track, and each gun and missile needed its own fire control radars. In addition, there was need for navigation, surface search, and helicopter control radars as well. The Type 518 radar itself would effectively negate any possibility of meeting the sea-keeping requirement because its antenna of 8.5 meter diameter weighed 4.5 ton, and must be installed on a mast of at least 25 meters, thus severely restricting wind scale and sea state allowed for safe navigation of the ship. However, reducing the weight of radar antenna would lead to the great decrease in performance, thus not meeting the combat effectiveness requirement.

The problem is further exasperated by the problem of the ship being top heavy: due to the fact each electronic system was single function only, numerous of them were needed to meet the original requirement, resulting in a total of 22 radars and 33 communication gears, which in addition to heavy weight, also generated the problem of electromagnetic compatibility (EMC) problem, so bad was the EMC problem that the missile control system could not function properly when everything was turned on, potentially causing missiles to be accidentally launched.

After the Cultural Revolution ended, the strenuous design requirements of the Type 055 that was settled during the Cultural Revolution went through re-evaluation, as with most projects of that period, and difficulties revealed in the design requirement review caused the criteria to be drastically revised and scaled back. There was later a modernisation plan to adopt British subsystems including combat data system, Sea Dart surface-to-air missiles (SAM), and Rolls-Royce Olympus TM3B high-speed gas turbines propulsion system used on the Type 42 destroyer. However efforts to incorporate British systems did not materialize, and just like the Type 051S destroyer, the Type 055 project was finally cancelled in the early 1980s, under the order of then commander of PLAN Liu Huaqing.

Since late 2012, Chinese internet websites circulated discussion of a new class of PLAN destroyers was being designed as the successor of the highly successful Type 052D destroyer, using the same "Type 055" designation as the cancelled project from the 1960s.

Photos appearing on Chinese websites in 2014, revealed that a Type 055 shore integration facility was being constructed at the Ship Design and Research Center (701 Institute) of CSIC at the Wuhan University of Science and Technology. The mock-up facility has been extensively used for testing of electronics and systems for the destroyer program, and shown to be integrated with a Type 346/348 series radar and an enclosed mast similar to Advanced Enclosed Mast/Sensor on European ships. There is speculation that the Type 055 may also have an L-band radar installed on the aft section of the ship similar to the SMART-L system. The class is expected to be armed with 112 to 128 vertical launch missile cells that can fire antiship missiles, ASW missiles, land-attack cruise missiles or SAMs.

In late December 2014, a photograph appeared on the internet indicated the first cut of steel ceremony at a Chinese shipyard. If the image is accurate, construction of the first unit has begun.

U.S. media sources have speculated that the Type 055's power and strength could make it on-par with the latest U.S. Navy Aegis warships. Some U.S. sources predict the Type 055 could carry 128 missiles, be able to carry out in-depth strikes through cruise missiles to protect its task force's airspace, and might be equipped with electromagnetic railguns and laser weapons in the future. The semi-official PLA Daily, published an article however stating the class is not a "game changing" vessel as it's not much larger than contemporary Russian, Japanese, or American destroyers, and will only be equivalent to the U.S. Arleigh Burke-class destroyer or Japanese Atago-class destroyer.

 

Source: Wikipedia

Did USA provocating a war with China regarding Soth China Sea disputes?

The Pentagon in the third week of May sent a U.S. Navy P-8A Poseidon surveillance plane near Fiery Cross Reef in the South China Sea — called the East Sea by Vietnam. The Fiery Reef is in the archipelago called the Spratly Islands by the U.S., the Nanchan Islands by China and the Truong Sa Islands by the Vietnamese.

 As the U.S. surveillance plane approached the area of the reef, a Chinese radio dispatcher warned: “Foreign military aircraft, this is the Chinese Navy. You are approaching our military alert zone. Leave immediately!” (Los Angeles Times, May 21)

The U.S. military replied that the plane was over international waters, even though it was close to 12 miles from the reef. “I am a military aircraft conducting lawful activities,” added the U.S. plane. The Chinese warned the spy plane off eight times, to no avail.

The U.S. surveillance flight came less than a week after the USS Fort Worth, a Navy littoral combat ship designed for near-shore operations, passed close to the islands, where the Chinese are dredging sand and building up five reefs.

Provocation part of planned campaign

These were deliberate provocations staged by the Pentagon as part of a planned campaign to escalate Washington’s military pressure on the People’s Republic of China. It is the implementation of the so-called “Asian pivot” announced by President Barack Obama.

According to a May 12 article in the British paper The Guardian, “Ash Carter, the defense secretary, had requested options that included sending ships and aircraft within 12 nautical miles of reefs that China has been building up in the disputed Spratly Islands. …

“‘We are considering how to demonstrate freedom of navigation in an area that is critical to world trade,’ [a] U.S. official said, speaking on condition of anonymity, adding that any options would need to be approved by the White House.”

To unfold such a plan under the banner of defending “freedom of the seas” is ludicrous. For one thing, the U.S. is one of the few countries that has not signed the 1982 U.N. Convention on the Law of the Sea, although it participated in drafting much of the language.

This is a reflection of the imperialist arrogance and presumptuous, great-power chauvinism of Washington. The Pentagon regards the Pacific as a “U.S. lake.” What else could explain the military challenging China’s right to build up islands a few hundred miles from its shore, when California is more than 6,000 miles away? What right has the U.S. ruling class to have its Navy conduct patrols in the Pacific region to “ensure freedom of the seas,” but not allow China to promote its interests in the region?

The answer is that it has no right, except the right based on military force by a power that has devastated Asia, beginning with the U.S. intervention in China during the Boxer Rebellion of 1898-1900 followed by the slaughter in the Philippines in 1898-1902 and colonization of that country — to say nothing of the atomic bombing of Japan in World War II, the brutal Korean War, the genocidal Vietnam war, the bombing of Laos and Cambodia, and the CIA-backed massacre of a million people in Indonesia in 1965-66.

Council on Foreign Relations unveils new strategy

The Council on Foreign Relations is the think tank of a major section of the U.S. ruling class. Its members include former Defense secretaries, former heads of the State Department, generals, admirals, ruling-class military intellectuals, strategists, etc.

In April the CFR released a report titled “Revising U.S. Grand Strategy Toward China,” written by Robert D. Blackwill; Henry Kissinger, Senior Fellow for U.S. Foreign Policy; and Ashley J. Tellis, Senior Associate, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.

The core of the report is summarized as follows:

Strengthen the U.S. military. “Congress should remove sequestration caps and substantially increase the U.S. defense budget. … Washington should intensify a consistent U.S. naval and air presence in the South and East China Seas” and “accelerate the U.S. ballistic-missile defense posture” in the Pacific.

Expand Asian trade networks. “U.S. grand strategy toward China will be seriously weakened without delivering on the TPP [Trans-Pacific Partnership trade agreement]. A major push by the White House for ratification should therefore begin immediately in the new Congress, including seeking trade promotion authority.”

Create a technology-control regime. “Washington should pay increased attention to limiting China’s access to advanced weaponry and military critical technologies.” The United States should encourage its allies “to develop a coordinated approach to constrict China’s access to all technologies, including dual use.”

Implement effective cyber policies. Washington should “impose costs on China that are in excess of the benefits it receives from its violations in cyberspace … increase U.S. offensive cyber capabilities … continue improving U.S. cyber defenses” and “pass relevant legislation in Congress, such as the Cyber Information Security Protection Act.”

Reinforce Indo-Pacific partnerships. “The United States cannot defend its interests in Asia without support from its allies” and “should build up the power-political capabilities of its friends and allies on China’s periphery.”

The report has the earmarks of the campaign that was devised to bring down the USSR. It is formulated by former Cold Warriors. It aims to promote military encirclement, which would divert economic resources and disrupt national economic planning. During the time of the USSR, the U.S. set up a wide blockade on technology transfer, with the aim of depriving the Soviet Union of modern economic tools for national development. And, of course, Washington fashioned global alliances such as NATO directed at the USSR. What is being proposed by the CFR is a milder version of the Cold War full-court press. But the goal is clearly to undermine the People’s Republic.

The problem for the imperialists is that China already has the technological and industrial capability to withstand such a campaign, should it be implemented. But the important point is to be aware of the aggressive thinking in the highest imperialist circles concerning China. And to note that the recent provocations are not just arbitrary or momentary. They are part of a longer-range plan.

U.S. views Russia and China differently

Washington regards China as a hostile class power — unlike Russia, which is a fully capitalist country with imperialist investments and an upstart oligarchic ruling class. Created on the ruins of the nationalized economy of the Soviet Union, it is looking for its place in the sun of imperialism. Wall Street and the Pentagon have a different idea. They want to take Russia over. Thus Russia is in conflict with the U.S. imperialists on many fronts, and the oppressed countries can and should take full advantage of this.

But China is more or less a compromise of socialism with capitalism. The socialist foundation must be defended against counterrevolution. The planning principle and state-owned enterprises dominate the economy, although it is riddled with capitalism and corruption. The Communist Party of China, the state banks and big state industries are combatting the current economic slowdown and trying to advance employment.

China is managing this slowdown while economic stagnation and recession are plaguing the capitalist world. This includes Russia, which is in the grip of an economic crisis, with its gross domestic product, sales and wages falling — unlike China, where wages are rising.

The goal of U.S. and European capitalism is to destroy the state enterprises in China, privatize them, undermine the Chinese Communist Party and politically enthrone the capitalist class.

Both China and Russia must be defended against imperialism when they are under attack. But no one should overlook the difference between a distorted socialist country with capitalist inroads and a state fully in the hands of an exploiting class.

China ignores Vietnam’s sovereignty in island dispute

While the overriding threat in the Pacific right now is the provocation by U.S. imperialism against China, the fact that China is expanding into territory long claimed by Vietnam and within Vietnamese territorial waters must not be lost sight of.

China may have legitimate commercial and defense interests in building up the Spratly Islands/Truong Sa Islands. But it is incumbent upon China, both as a great power and as a country with claims to socialism, to defer to Vietnam and to work out territorial relations under conditions that are mutually acceptable and agreed upon.

It is one thing to expand military and commercial positions to be better able to protect against imperialist incursions. It is another thing to expand territorial claims far beyond any legally recognized boundaries and disregard the territorial claims of Vietnam, or the other nations that have claims on the islands, including the Philippines, Taiwan, Malaysia, Indonesia and Brunei.

Acting in a high-handed manner with respect to small nations, especially with respect to a sister socialist country like Vietnam, both demeans China and increases the space for U.S. imperialism to create divisions and conflict.

Washington is fishing in troubled waters by sending its military into a contested region. It has no business in these waters. Its aggressive military and political maneuvers that foster division are meant to serve imperialist purposes and should be shunned by China first of all.

Pakistan's counter against Indian Civil Nuclear deal with US

Islamabad: Pakistan and the US officials will meet on Monday for discussing nuclear issues as a part of the strategic dialogue between the two countries. 

The Pakistani delegation led by Foreign Secretary Aizaz Ahmad Chaudhry has already arrived in Washington.Foreign Office Spokesperson Qazi Khalillullah confirmed to Online on Sunday that the Pakistani delegation for nuclear talks with the US left Saturday night for Washington. He however, declined to go into keen details of the talks between the two countries over the key issue. Nevertheless, diplomatic sources on condition of anonymity told Online that the focus of the talks are no doubt non-proliferation but informal and off the media talks on civil-nuclear assistance are to be held aiming to convince the US to ink a deal similar to the one Washington signed with India.

Foreign Secretary Aizaz Ahmad Chaudhry is leading senior officials of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Strategic Plans Division at the talks. While the US side is being led by RoseEileneGottemoeller, the Under Secretary of State for Arms Control and International Security. State Department has already rejected media suggestions that Saudi and Pakistani officials had met recently to discuss nuclear cooperation.

“I’m not sure I would presume that was the topic of discussion, and I don’t think we have concern about it,” the State Department spokesperson told reporters two weeks ago while responding to a question. The 2014 Nuclear Security Summit held in the Hague on March 24 and 25, also witnessed praising of Pakistan nuclear safety by international community including the US state department and President Obama himself.

In 2013, the world started praising the steps Pakistan was taking to make its nuclear program safer.
The sources said that as the safety issue about Pakistan is no more doubted in the world, quite sure of the extraordinary steps taken by Islamabad for safeguarding its nuclear program as a responsible state, so it is right time to address the civil-nuclear deal with a country like US which also fully understand the energy crises of the country. “So in this sense it could be comprehensive talks,” they added.

The talks are part of the strategic dialogue process, which includes six working groups for economy and trade, energy, counter-terrorism and law-enforcement, defense and nuclear non-proliferation, and education, science and technology. The strategic dialogue was delayed due to Salala incident and episode of Osama bin Laden in 2011. Nevertheless, the two countries managed to get back on track and improve the bilateral ties. “Immediate result in connection to civil nuclear cooperation is not expected but this could be a step forward,” said an officialwho was not authorized to talk to media. 

 

From, The Nation

Russia's newest hardware Armata unveiled

The Russian Defense Ministry has for the first time fully revealed the new Armata tank in a series of photographs published on its website in the run-up to the Victory Day parade in Moscow.

 

T-14 Armata Tank.

All the previous images obtained by the media showed T-14 Armata with its turret draped in protective canvas. Now, the Defense Ministry has published images of the tank, as well as several other new armored vehicles, in high definition, accompanied with brief descriptions, for anyone to view and download.

Armata is actually a tracked platform capable of hosting a tank, APC, artillery piece and missile launcher. The Armata medium tank is a cutting-edge vehicle with an unmanned turret armed with a brand new 125 mm smoothbore cannon, which is the most powerful gun of its kind to date in terms of muzzle energy.

A crew of two can operate the tank. It is fully computerized and equipped with a wide variety of sensors and other electronic systems that allow for network-centric warfare.

Armata will be taking part in the grand Victory Day Parade in Moscow on May 9, marking the 70th anniversary of the Soviet Union's victory over Nazi Germany. A total of 194 armored vehicles will participate in the event, ranging from the cutting-edge to historic pieces. The Russian Air Force will be represented by 143 aircraft.

As the Victory Day celebrations draw near across Russia, take a look at our special project detailing the Soviet Union's fight against Nazism during World War II.

Other new pieces of kit participating in the V-Day parade, which have been unveiled at the Defense Ministry's website, are the Armata infantry combat vehicle, the Boomerang armored personnel carrier, the Koalitsiya-SV self-propelled artillery piece, the Kurganets-25 IFV and APC, and the Kornet-D self-propelled anti-tank complex.

Russia Official Says: We won’t be taking Mistral warships from France

Russia won’t try and get its ill-fated Mistral helicopter carriers from France, a Russian official has announced. Moscow and Paris are set to discuss damages to be paid by France for welching on the deal. 

BPC Mistral of French Navy.

“Russia won’t be taking them [the Mistral vessels]. That’s a fact. There’s just a single discussion underway at the moment – on the amount of money that should be returned to Russia,” Oleg Bochkarev, a deputy chairman of the Russian governmental Military-Industrial Commission, is cited as saying by RBC.

The negotiations have been “transferred into the commercial field” and “major efforts are being made today” for Russia to receive damages, Bochkarev told RIA Novosti.

France reportedly offered €748 million as compensation, but Russia turned down the proposal, calling it "laughable."

The official also said that Russia would build its own helicopter carriers, in place of the Mistral warships, which Paris refused to supply Moscow.

“We have such vessels planned, they’re on the drawing board,” Bochkarev stressed, adding that they will be of a different class to the French-built ships as “there’s no point copying the Mistrals.”

Russia and France signed a €1.12 billion contract to build two Mistral class amphibious ships in 2011.

Under the deal, Russia was supposed to receive the first of the two Mistral-class helicopter carriers, the Vladivostok, in October 2014 and the second, the Sevastopol, in 2015. But the mood in Paris went through a sea change.

In mid-2014, the French side postponed delivery indefinitely due to pressure from the US and the EU, which have imposed a set of sanctions against Moscow over the accession of Crimea and Russia’s alleged involvement in the Ukrainian crisis.

In late April, French President Francois Hollande acknowledged that Russia should get a refund if it doesn’t receive the Mistral ships.

Earlier this month, an article in the Le Point weekly magazine said the French government could end up having to pay “between €2 billion and €5 billion,” if it doesn’t fulfill its contractual obligations with Russia.

The French Navy repeatedly stated that it doesn’t need the Mistrals as they are built according to Russian standards.

Reports have emerged that the cheapest solution for France would be to scuttle the two newly-built ships as maintaining them costs an estimated €2 to €5 million every month.

Russia Plans It Big: The 'Super' Aircraft Carrier

Russia has revealed key details of a new supercarrier it plans to build.

In a new interview with IHS Jane’s, Valery Polyakov, the deputy director of Russia's government-owned Krylov State Research Center, the company designing the new carrier, outlined some new details about the ship, which is being billed as Project 23000E or Shtorm (Storm).

According to Polyakov,, the vessel will displace between 90,000 and 100,000 tons, roughly double the size of any carrier Russia has built to date. It will also be 330 meters in length, 40 meters wide, and have a draft of 11 meters. The carrier will have a cruising speed of 20 knots (kt), with a top speed of 30 kt. The vessel will also have an endurance of 120 days and require a crew of between 4,000-5,000 sailors.

The carrier will be able to carry between 80-90 combat aircraft of various kinds. Jane’s revealed that “the model features a split air wing comprising navalised T-50 PAKFAs and MiG-29Ks, as well as jet-powered naval early warning aircraft, and Ka-27 naval helicopters.”

A mockup of the carrier built by KRSC will be unveiled at the International Maritime Defense Show 2015, Polyakov said. That show will be held July 1-5 in St. Petersburg.

In addition, the carrier mockup KRSC built has four launching positions. Two of the launching positions are of the ski-ramp variant, while the other two are electromagnetic aircraft launch systems (EMALS), which the U.S. Navy itself just tested last week. As the U.S. Navy explained in a press release announcing the test, EMALS offer a number of advantages over the traditional steam-based launch systems.

“Using electromagnetic technology, the system delivers substantial improvements in system maintenance, increased reliability and efficiency, higher-launch energy capacity, and more accurate end-speed control, with a smooth acceleration at both high and low speeds. By allowing linear acceleration over time, electromagnetic catapults also place less stress on the aircraft.”

One of the major shortcomings of the vessel, as currently designed, is that it will be powered by a conventional power plant, rather than a nuclear one. This could be later changed, per the customer’s wishes, Polyakov said.

In the Jane’s interview, Polyakov also detailed some of envisioned missions of the proposed heavy aircraft carrier: "The Project 23000E multipurpose aircraft carrier is designed to conduct operations in remote and oceanic areas, engage land-based and sea-borne enemy targets, ensure the operational stability of naval forces, protect landing troops, and provide the anti-aircraft defense."

Reports that Russia was planning a new aircraft carrier first emerged in local media back in February. Those reports were confirmed by Russia’s naval chief the following month. "The Navy will have an aircraft carrier. The research companies are working on it, and strictly in compliance with the requirements from the Chief Commander," Viktor Chirkov, Russia’s top naval officer, said at the time.

Russia currently operates one carrier, the Admiral Kuznetsov, which was launched by the Soviet Union back in 1985. This should make it easier for Russia to construct a new aircraft carrier than a country like China, which has less experience with naval aviation than Moscow.

That being said, the proposed new carrier will be exponentially more complicated to build than Russian and Soviet carriers of the past. As such, it is extremely likely that the proposed Shtorm carrier will never come to fruition, especially given Russia’s mounting fiscal difficulties. As Jim Holmes wisely counseled, “Let’s not make too much of this.”

Chinese PLAN Type 055 Destroyer

Land based mock-up of Chinese Type 055 Destroyer, which is used for extensive study & research located in the construction at Wuhan.

Pakistan's Stronger Ties With Central Asia Will Change This Area's Military, Economic & Security Scenario As Well

Pakistan's Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif concluded a visit to the Central Asian region on 22 May Friday, pushing to expand energy, security and tourism ties with the former Soviet states, essentially to sign deals to overcome Pakistan's chronic power shortages.

 

Pakistan Prime Minister Mr. Nawaz Sharif.

In a meeting with his Kyrgyz counterpart, Temir Sariyev, in the capital Bishkek, Sharif discussed an electricity project that would see Pakistan import up to 1,000 megawatts from mountainous Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan. Sharif also met Kyrgyz President Almazbek Atambayev during the visit. Sharif flew to Bishkek from the Turkmen capital Ashgabat, where he spoke with Turkmenistan's leader Gurbanguly Berdymukhamedov.

The 1,200-kilometre (750-mile) power line, which would also supply 300 megawatts to conflict-torn Afghanistan, "would ease the electro-energy deficit" of his country of 185 million people, Sharif said as the two agreed to develop energy, security and tourism ties. Sariyev promised his country's "active participation" in the project, known as CASA 1000.

Though the World Bank is financing half the project, CASA 1000 faces challenges since Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan can produce an energy surplus only in the summer when their mountain rivers fill with water. The project would therefore only partially solve Pakistan's politically contentious deficit.

Little detail was disclosed from negotiations in secluded gas-rich Turkmenistan, but they were likely focused mainly on TAPI, the ambitious pipeline project valued at up to $10 billion that would pump Turkmen gas to the South Asian country and India, also via Afghanistan. The planned 1,800-kilometre link could deliver 33 billion cubic metres (bcm) of gas annually to the growing Indian and Pakistani markets with Afghanistan likely to absorb no more than 0.5 bcm.

After the talks, Sharif said that he hoped to intensify work on the TAPI project that would bring advantages to the entire region. The pipeline however faces security concerns in Afghanistan and ballooning costs while it lacks a commercial investor. Afghan President Ashraf Ghani said in April the project may take five years to complete.

Earlier, Pakistan and the Central Asian republics have signed several memoranda of understanding on economic cooperation and collaboration in various fields. An inter-governmental Joint Economic Commission has also been set up with the countries in the region to give impetus to trade, economic and scientific cooperation. But the expected economic growth has not materialized mainly because of lack of implementation of the agreements. Pakistan and Central Asian states are members of ECO, whose main objectives include developing and improving the economic infrastructure and transportation system in the region. However, the organization has lost its effectiveness and has been eclipsed by the emerging SCO, which has in its folds two major powers, Russia and China.

Historically, the areas that make up Pakistan have had close cultural and economic relations with the central Asia region. Central Asia has been closely tied to its nomadic people and the Silk Route, which has acted as a crossroads for the movement of people, goods, and ideas between Europe and Asia for centuries. British occupation of India and Russia’s control over Central Asia had disrupted these ties in the late 19th century. Soon after gaining independence from Britain in 1947, Pakistan joined the anti-communist bloc, which prevented Islamabad from developing close relations with the Central Asian region. Pakistan had no direct contact with Central Asia under Soviet rule.

Since the disintegration of the Soviet Union, the energy-rich and land-locked Central Asian Republics (CARs) have assumed great significance in Pakistan’s foreign policy considerations. Pakistan’s geographical proximity with the Central Asian region, the geo-political and geo-economic significance of the CARs and the desire to become the gateway to Central Asia have stimulated Islamabad’s interest in building closer political and economic ties with the region, which includes five republics of the former Soviet Union: Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan.

Pakistan renounced its pro-Taliban policy after 9/11 and the shift in Pakistan’s foreign policy since then has enhanced Islamabad’s cooperation and economic links with Central Asia. However, the nature of Pakistan’s relations with former Soviet Central Asia has largely been economic rather than political or strategic.

Pakistan has long portrayed itself as a natural trade route for Central Asian republics to reach world markets by availing transit facilities and access to Pakistani seaports. Several agreements have been signed to develop the communication links, including road and rail links. However, lawlessness and instability along all these routes have proven to be a major hurdle in realizing the potential for economic cooperation. The CARs have encountered a litany of post-independence problems, including rapid economic and socio-political transformation, security challenges, and suppression of human rights and fundamental freedoms.

Pakistan and the CARs share many things including religion and cultural ties. However, Islamabad’s desire for close political and economic ties with the Central Asian region has been plagued by its foreign policy, mainly on Afghanistan. Pakistan’s ties with the region are nowhere near as robust as the initial warmth had indicated when these Central Asian republics gained independence after the collapse of the Soviet Union. A multitude of internal and external challenges facing the region have hampered progress in that regard. Unlike the other main players in the region, including Russia, China, India, Iran, Turkey and the US, Pakistan’s political conditions, unrest in Afghanistan and fragile economy have prevented it from engaging with Central Asia.

The Central Asian states want to expand trade ties with Pakistan and develop new infrastructure. Turkmenistan would like to boost energy sales through the construction of the TAPI pipeline, while Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan are growing markets for Pakistani goods. Pakistan in turn is interested in expanding its imports of Central Asian energy (hydroelectricity as well as gas). These economic ties ensure a common interest among the Central Asian states and Pakistan in having stability in and secure transit across Afghanistan. Nevertheless, Pakistan’s hopes of becoming Central Asia’s main artery to global commerce have been disappointed.7 Central Asian States’ Relations with India In the long run, the Central Asian states generally view India as an important economic partner that can help ameliorate their dependence on Russia and China.

The strategic importance of Pakistan’s Balochistan province has grown since China started building a deep sea port in Gwadar.6 Pakistan’s economic development depends on how it takes advantage of the tremendous economic and trade potential of energy-rich Central Asia. Balochistan is a vital link to expansion of economic ties and cooperation with Central Asia. But all that would depend on ensuring security and law and order in the province. Balochistan is ideally situated to cater to the energy and trading needs of other countries in the region and make Pakistan an energy hub for Asia. The Gwadar deep sea port is expected to serve as a secure storage and transhipment hub for the Middle East and Central Asian oil and gas supplies through a well-defined corridor passing through the country. In fact, if all goes as planned, Gwadar would be the terminus of multi-billion dollar gas pipelines.

India lacks a direct geographical links with Afghanistan and Central Asia. It has to pass through Pakistani territory for any access to this region. By keeping close links with Afghanistan, especially post- 9/11 and supporting the Karzai government, New Delhi has managed to expand its role in the war-torn country. Islamabad has also charged India of seeking to create unrest along Pakistan’s western borders, especially in Balochistan, and exploiting the situation.

Indian policymakers believe that any advance by Islamist militants in Central Asia could invigorate similar elements active in Indian-administered Kashmir. India has also proposed an energy pipeline from Russia across Central Asia and China. Another gas pipeline which is of significant interest to New Delhi seeks to connect India to Turkmenistan through Afghanistan and Pakistan, although progress in that regard depends on the nature of relations between New Delhi and Islamabad as well as the security situation in Afghanistan. The degree of strategic cooperation between India and the CARs is evident from the fact that New Delhi has established a military base at Farkhor in Tajikistan.

The base has been operating since May 2002 in an area close to the border with Afghanistan. This has had serious implications for Pakistan’s strategic interests in Central Asia. India also has the observer status with the Shanghai Cooperation Organization.

Both USA and Russia, as per their joint anti-Islam agenda, do not want Central Asian nations to come closer to Pakistan for religious reasons. Lack of a common border with any Central Asian state is one of the primary impediments to accessing the region. Instability in Pakistan does not help promote strong ties with CAR.

Relations between the United States and the five Central Asian countries are largely positive, notwithstanding tensions over the spotty political and human rights environment in some states. Much U.S.–Central Asian cooperation is connected to the war effort in Afghanistan, which the Central Asians are assisting with logistical support, infrastructure, and security cooperation.

As the leader of former Soviet Union of which Central Asia was also a part, Russia remains the most important security actor in Central Asia, though its economic position is being rapidly overtaken by China. Russia is seeking to limit the Central Asian states’ reorientation towards China (and, to a more limited extent, South Asia) by promoting regional re-integration through bodies like the Customs Union and CSTO. With the withdrawal of foreign forces from the region, Russia is looking to reinforce its own presence. It reached agreement with the governments of Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan to extend the deployment of Russian forces into the middle of the century, and has sought to improve the capabilities of the CSTO to address threats to regional security, including those coming from Afghanistan. Given Russia’s large Muslim population (including millions of Central Asian migrants), Moscow regards extremism and instability in Central Asia as a direct threat to its security. Russian pressure played a role in blocking the deployment of Indian combat aircraft in Tajikistan.

Afghanistan offers the most direct access for the Central Asian region to ports and markets in South Asia and the Persian Gulf. Afghanistan can also be the conduit for Central Asian oil and gas to South Asia and Iran. But such benefits for both Pakistan as well as Central Asia could be realized only when the situation in Afghanistan is sufficiently stabilized and secure land access is possible.

The major internal dynamics affecting Central Asia’s influence and interests in South Asia are continued weak governance, including rampant corruption, the potential for state failure at least in Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan, entrenched criminality, and mistrust and low levels of interdependence among the five states. The impact of all these problems could be exacerbated by uncertainty surrounding the succession to long-time leaders.

Moreover, much of Central Asia with abundant energy resources faces demographic shifts—growing youth populations lacking the Soviet-era education and values of their elders—coupled with shortages of water and other resources that could contribute to civil strife or crossborder conflict. To the extent these internal dynamics contribute to instability within Central Asia, governments in the region are likely to place a greater emphasis on preventing the spread of drugs, crime, and other problems from South Asia. Imbibing truly Islamic values can save the region, making it a strong economic union.

South Asia is likely to remain a niche partner for Central Asia, especially for states looking to reduce their dependence on Russia and China for access to global markets. Cross-border violence in South Asia would make even this limited degree of integration problematic.

An Indo-Pakistani conflict over Jammu Kashmir which both South Asian nuclear powers share in occupation would undermine—likely for good—USbacked plans for Central-South Asian economic integration, making it impossible to build infrastructure across Pakistan to markets in India. Central Asia would then look even more to alternative outlets, including Russia, China, and perhaps Iran.

The biggest threats to Central Asian stability, however, are indigenous to the region: poor governance, state failure, demographic change, criminality, and rising extremist tides. And this factor binds CAR with a corrupt and destabilized Pakistan.

Security cooperation between the Central Asian states and Pakistan has improved in recent years, but many Central Asians remain wary of Pakistan’s double game with Islamist militants and support for non-violent Islamist groups such as Tablighi Jamaat that are banned in Central Asia. The Central Asian states’ generally positive relations with India also limit prospects for cooperation with Pakistan as long as Indo-Pakistani ties remain poor. Tajikistan allowed India to launch its military bases on its soil in return for money and more business.

The Central Asian states want to expand trade ties with Pakistan and develop new infrastructure. Turkmenistan would like to boost energy sales through the construction of the TAPI pipeline, while Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan are growing markets for Pakistani goods. Pakistan in turn is interested in expanding its imports of Central Asian energy (hydroelectricity as well as gas). These economic ties ensure a common interest among the Central Asian states and Pakistan in having stability in and secure transit across Afghanistan. Nevertheless, Pakistan’s hopes of becoming Central Asia’s main artery to global commerce have been disappointed.7 Central Asian States’ Relations with India In the long run, the Central Asian states generally view India as an important economic partner that can help ameliorate their dependence on Russia and China.

Establishment of peace in Afghanistan is of utmost importance in order to maximize economic prospects for both Pakistan and the CARs. Pakistan’s policymakers now have to formulate a comprehensive policy on the Central Asian republics in order to turn constraints into opportunities. Pakistan must develop good diplomatic ties with these states as well as develop economic ties with them by facilitating them with regard to trade and pipeline routes. This can only be done if Pakistan improves its economic, security and political conditions. Pakistan can boost ties with Central Asia by undertaking both individual and joint ventures in all economic fields.

Despite all impediments, the economic and cultural ties between Pakistan and Central Asian nations would, in the years to come, grow further.

 

By Dr. Abdul Ruff - Asian Tribune -

Russian "Storm": An Carrier Capable Of Transporting 90 Different Aircraft

"Storm" can carry 90 deck-based aircraft for various combat missions. The carrier has two ramps and two electromagnetic catapults to launch aircraft from its deck.

 

Russia only aircraft carrier, Admiral Kuznetsov underway in the Mediterranean.

Krylovsky State Research Center (KRSC) came up with a scale model of a new aircraft carrier known as 23000 "Storm," daily newspaper Rossiyskaya Gazeta reported.

In addition to aircraft carriers built for the Russian Navy, the developers created an import version of the ship, which might be extremely interesting to many foreign customers.

The ship's power plant will be either a conventional power plant or a nuclear one, depending on potential customers' requirements, Rossiyskaya Gazeta said.

The new aircraft carrier has a displacement of 100,000 tons, is 330 meters in length, 40 meters in width and has a draft of 11 meters. The ship has a top speed of 30 kt and a sea-keeping performance of up to grade 7.

 
To defend itself from aerial attacks, the aircraft carrier has air-defense missile and anti-torpedo defense systems.

Russia Pushes "Project 1166.1" Frigate For Bangladesh Navy

 

Russia has completed the construction of two frigates of the Cheetah Class of the Vietnamese Navy and will also supply two ships of this class in Bangladesh, as Rafi Fatychow, spokesman for the shipyard Zelenodolsk announced.

Vietnamese Navy Frigate "Dinh Tien Hoang".

"It is by working co-operation with the Republic of Bangladesh. "Rosoboronexport" (the government of Russia for military equipment exporter - Red.) Negotiates about possible deliveries of ships 3.9 (Project 11661). For now, it comes to the delivery of two ships ", remarked Fatychow.

"The shipyard builds Selenodolsk two frigates of the project 3.9 for the Vietnamese naval forces. At the moment the order has been fulfilled, it will be installed weapons "Fatychow said on Tuesday at the forum" maritime industry ", held in Moscow from 19 to 21 May told RIA Novosti.

In addition, Russia is negotiating with Bangladesh for the supply of frigates "Cheetah 3.9" to this republic.

Frigates 3.9 of Cheetah class are an export version of the guard vessels of the project 11661, which will be built in the shipyard Zelenodolsk in the Russian republic of Tatarstan.

The project 11661, also known as Cheetah class, is a class of frigates russischen- and Vietnamese Navy.

Paris Hopes For Settlement In Mistral Deal With Russia

Paris hopes to reach a settlement with Russia regarding the failed deal for the delivery of two Mistral-class helicopter carriers to the Russian Navy, Le Journal du Dimanche reported. 

 

"For France the Mistral contract is significant for both diplomatic and financial reasons. French authorities do not want to be perceived as swindlers unable to fulfil their obligations," the newspaper quoted a member of the French government familiar with the situation as saying.

 

Mistral-class helicopter carrier.

If France succeeds in reaching a settlement with Russia, Paris would be able to pay compensation and not a fine, the source added. The compensation could reach 50 percent of what Moscow paid. 

 

According to the source, France is ready to repay Moscow $875 million, as well as cover the expanses of sending Russian seamen to Saint-Nazaire, where the Mistrals were built. France is also allegedly willing to pay for the shipment of Russian equipment and platform installation in Russian ports.

Russian sailors stand in formation in front of the Mistral-class helicopter carrier Vladivostok at the STX Les Chantiers de l'Atlantique shipyard site in Saint-Nazaire.

The two Mistral ships, known as the Vladivostok and the Sevastopol, could be sold to a third party, the newspaper said, adding that NATO members are among potential buyers.

"However, … measures would be taken so that the helicopter carriers would not be sold to the countries in strained relations with Russia," a source told the newspaper, naming Georgia as one such nation that is unable to buy the Mistrals built for Russia. "Evidently the Kremlin would see this as a provocation," the newspaper said.

Earlier in May, rumors appeared that France was trying to sell the Mistral-class amphibious assault ship to China while two French warships were on a seven-day visit to Shanghai. Russia insists the ships cannot be sold without Moscow's permission. 

 

The Mistral-Class Helicopter Carrier.

Under a $1.3-billion deal Russia and France signed in 2011, Paris was supposed to deliver the Vladivostok in November 2014 and the Sevastopol in early 2015. None of the ships arrived to Russia, since the deliveries were put on hold over Moscow's alleged involvement in the Ukrainian civil war. Kremlin has repeatedly denied these groundless claims and pushed for peace in the war-torn nation.

 

Source: Sputnik